If you find this article informative and worthwhile, please support my work by donating if you can.
Recently, while sitting in a waiting room, a came across
a copy of the National Rifle Association's official magazine which contains an
article about the second amendment and the Supreme Court's decisions concerning it. The argument is
straight forward and has an aura of plausibility.
The
gist of the argument is that the Court has held that the Second Amendment right
applies to individuals, not groups or organizations. The amendment states that
". . . the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.
The amendment does not say that the right of the militia to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed." The NRA then argues that the government's sole
responsibility is to enforce the laws regarding guns and their use already in
effect.
There does seem to be some prima facie truth to the notion that
rights belong to individuals, although the Constitution certainly is not
absolutely clear about it. The first amendment, for instance, forbids the
prohibition of the freedom of the press. Of course, the word press is an
ambiguous term in current usage; it can mean a reporter or an institution such
as a newspaper. Although a reporter is an individual, a newspaper is not; yet
newspapers seem to have this right. And whether or not the cases cited by the
NRA gives the right to keep and bear arms to individuals is difficult to
determine, because Supreme Court decisions are not always lucid documents. They
consist of a mixture of two types of argumentauthority and presentations of
fact.
The method of authority, most famously used by St.
Thomas Aquinas, consists of a claim and a citation of an authority such as a
Church Father or the Bible as its justification. The Court's use of this method
consists of a claim and a citation from a previous decision. But there is a vast
difference between the two. Authorities cited by Aquinas are, in principle, not
questionable. However, previous decisions of the Court are based on argument
very much like the argument in any case in question and also contain both claims
and citations. Since this chain of citations can be, and often is, extensive, it
is almost impossible to expose the complete argument so its validity can be
evaluated. It's as though the Court believes that once a decision has been
handed down, the argument that justifies it becomes irrelevant, and it then
follows that no amount of logical criticism, no matter how valid, can refute it.
Although the Court may use argument to come to its conclusion, once the
conclusion is reach, the Court speaks ex
cathedra. But such a method of deciding cases could never be acceptable to
those who believe a decision is wrong-headed.
The Second Amendment, because of the way in which it is
written, is ambiguous at best. Any decision concerning it must, therefore, be
based on an interpretation. And if that's true, then the doctrine of strict
construction makes no sense. Nobody can base an argument strictly on the text of
a document if the text itself requires an interpretation.
Attempts to overcome this difficulty involve trying to
determine the framer's intent. But how does one go about determining the
intentions of people who lived more that two centuries ago?
Well, perhaps they stated their intentions in other
writings. But what if they haven't? What can a so called strict constructionist
turn to then?
One can look at possible purposes. What could the
purpose of the second amendment be?
1.
To provide people with the absolute
right to keep and bear arms.
2.
To ensure that the nation always has
a means of defending itself from invasion by ensuring that state militias not be
abolished.
How does one decide from among these, and can such a
decision be made by means of strict construction?
In today's world, the second purpose is completely
unnecessary, since this nation now has a standing army, distinct from state
control. So if the amendment makes any sense in today's world, the only possible
purpose it can have is the first. But what if that conflicts with the interests
of society as a whole?
Society's purpose in proposing various gun-control
measures is to protect people from death and injury by means of firearms. So we
have to ask which purpose is most desirable? Of course, opinions will differ. So
where does that leave the doctrine of strict construction and the NRA's
argument?
There are only a small number of conclusions that can be
drawn.
If the NRA's reading of the Constitution and the Court's
decisions is accepted, the right to keep and bear arms supersedes the public's
right to protection. The NRA's argument for this reading is that the laws
already in effect are sufficient to protect the public.
But that can't be right, because law enforcement comes
into play only after the offense has been committed, and the public's interest
is to prevent the offense, not punish the perpetrator. Existing law cannot
prevent these offenses from being committed, so existing law cannot satisfy this
public interest.
If we Americans accept the second amendment as conferring an absolute right upon individuals to keep and bear arms, then we must also accept the consequent death and injury that will result. But if we accept the notion that human life is more precious that an individual's right to keep and bear arms, then the second amendment must be interpreted as applying to militias and not individuals. The controversy comes down to deciding between these alternatives. (11/14/2005)